肯尼亚专家卡格万加：命运共同体怎样改变非洲发展
文 | 彼得·卡格万加（Prof. Peter Kagwanja）肯尼亚非洲政策研究所所长
翻译 | 齐晓彤
编辑 | 杨海霞
设计 | 姜灵枝
制作 | 黄硕存
导读：这一概念正演化为后冷战国际关系领域最具影响力的概念之一，非洲学界与政策制定者们仍在努力理解它的真正含义。
2017年1月，在瑞士达沃斯小镇举办的世界经济论坛上，中国主席习近平在发言中坚决捍卫全球化、自由贸易，捍卫公平、公正的世界秩序下国家、公民平等，树立起了一个负责任、有良知的国际领导形象。他敦促各国领袖们“为本国人民提供更好的生活”、创造“一个更好的世界”，并朝着建设人类命运共同体的方向共同努力。
作为继毛泽东主席之后中国最有影响力的领袖，习近平主席在世界经济论坛上将人类命运共同体的概念引入了未来大国关系的语言体系中，这个概念目前界定了中国作为新兴超级大国的国际领导力与国际视野。目前看来，这一概念正演化为后冷战国际关系领域最具影响力的概念之一，非洲学界与政策制定者们仍在努力理解它的真正含义。
面对21世纪头几十年世界秩序的混乱与不确定性，人们很容易将命运共同体的远大愿景贬斥成为本意美好却定义模糊、内涵空洞的一种陈词滥调，并且在世界范围内也溅不起什么水花了。
对内，人类命运共同体暗含了新中国在重塑中华文明方面，时间上长远性的认知以及空间上广阔性的考量。
对外，命运共同体具有地理概念上的灵活性与包容性——它是面向整个人类提出的。这一概念是2011年9月中国发布的有关“和平发展”的白皮书的核心内容，突出显示了“国际治理与构建公正国际秩序的必要性”。
中国命运共同体的含义不是“合众为一”。中国政府并没有倡导全世界195个国家忽略自身个体性，简单合并共同价值观、社会惯例与原则，追求和平永驻。倒不如说，人类命运共同体是呼吁国家“实现自身发展的同时与他国和睦相处”，追求共赢情境，使每个国家都能接受自己本国情况，同时不企图按照自己本国情形改变他国。
在描画日益共联、各国命运交织的未来世界蓝图时，中国为各国提供了决定自身发展路径的空间。
从比喻的层面来说，中国提出的命运共同体描画出“和谐共处大家庭”的形象，尽管北京作为一个新生超级大国的中心，在其中会发挥至关重要的角色，但北京已明确表示其“无意干涉他国内政，输出本国社会体制和发展模式，亦或是将自己的意志强加于人。”
中国强调构建人类命运共同体中全体国家的集体作用，可见中国选择的地缘政治路径是与伊拉克侵袭事件中表现出的民族单边主义截然不同的，它对支撑全球治理的多边主义构成了威胁。简言之，中国明确表示无意输出价值观或是将“中国特色社会主义”的标签强加于他国。其暗含的意思是，中国更希望看到国际社会中各成员国可以“自主选择发展路径”，义正言辞地拒绝西方霸权倾向的政治主张。盎格鲁-撒克逊模式下的自由民主主义并不是放之四海皆准的万金油，也不是法治思想、尊重人权、根本自由的必经之路。
命运共同体在意识形态上反击了弗朗西斯福山的“历史的终结”推论。“历史的终结”是“一个政治、哲学概念，即假设会出现一个政治、经济或社会体制，发展到人类进化终结点的阶段，这时会形成人类政府的终极形态”，这一概念为霸权、单边的世界秩序的形成增添了理论基础。人类命运共同体同时也是对塞缪尔亨廷顿提出的“文明冲突论”的沉着回应。“文明冲突论”认为不同的文化、信仰自我认知是后冷战时代冲突的首要根源。
最后，中国政府提出的概念也回应了“修昔底德陷阱”假说，这一说法由格雷厄姆·阿利森创造。
阿利森认为中国之崛起一往无前，这令美国感到恐惧，由此一场战争在所难免。阿利森著述引发评论纷纷，不乏对“修昔底德陷阱”的强烈驳斥。相比之下，习近平主席提倡构建的人类命运共同体是一种“和平崛起”，“和平崛起”由中国政府于2003年提出，映射出中国是一股强大的政治、经济和军事力量，更是世界和平的推动者。
自2013年起，中国开始强调软实力，比其他帝国更温驯的封建历史，强调在加强内政和提高人民福祉方面的决心，中国“和平崛起”的说法已为“和平发展”所替代，这一战略性调整是对“中国威胁论”的反击。
2017年1月习主席在日内瓦的讲话中讲到，“和平融入了中华民族的血脉中，刻进了中国人民的基因里。”中国身为一个超级大国，将自身视为与更倾向于霸权主义的西方国家而言完全不同、且道义上更居上风的存在。中国的发展途径是要“通过沟通而不是冲突来发展国与国之间的关系。”
中国的一条根本组织原则是一党执政下的“民主集中制”，这项原则为国家长期发展提供了稳定的环境保障，全面参与全球经济，又避免遭到西方同化而变成一个自由民主义国家，这样的制度安排正日益成为一种切实可行的国家治理系统。非洲和其他国家逐渐意识到“中国模式”能够保护自身主权，加快经济发展，又能避免选举带来的不确定性恶性循坏，避免政治暴力阻碍第三世界新兴民主政体的发展进程。中国反腐斗争也为他国树立了良好典范。
中国对许多第三世界新兴多边组织与平台予以支持，构建命运共同体。该战略行为的目的是提高自身及第三世界国家的影响力。早在2000年，中非合作论坛便是非洲54个国家与中国进行事务合作的首要官方平台。
一带一路倡议是中国命运共同体最坚实的支柱。习主席于2013年提出了该倡议，此后已有60多个国家从1.2万亿的倡议中受益，非洲国家也位居其列。
借助一带一路倡议，中国重点支持铁路、高速公路、通讯与发展走廊建设，提高非洲国家内部和国家之间的联通与合作。
在中国的支持下，有900多个项目落地非洲，其中包括纺织工厂、水利发电厂、体育馆、医院和学校。在一带一路框架下完成的项目包括蒙巴萨-内罗毕铁路，亚的斯亚贝巴（埃塞俄比亚）-吉布提铁路以及在尼日利亚修建的186.5公里长的阿布贾-卡杜纳铁路。
中国是非洲最大的贸易伙伴，2000年到2009年，中非贸易额从106亿美金跃至910.8亿美金。根据中国海关总署公布的数据，2018年1月份，中非贸易额便已达到165亿美金。
中国是非洲主要的发展援助与优惠贷款国。有40多个非洲国家从中国政府的优惠贷款中受益。与此同时，有六个非洲银行在中国设立了支行与代表办公室。2015年，在第六届中非合作论坛上，习主席对非承诺了600亿美金的商业贷款，这意味着每年贷款额增至200亿美金。
中国与非洲在环境保护方面也有合作。在中非合作论坛的框架下，中非两方举行了环境保护领域的中非会议，并在人力资源培训上展开了合作。两方设立了联合国环境规划署中非环境合作中心，以增进环境保护交流，促进环境保护技术合作，强化环境保护人员训练。
中国关注非洲产业发展，支持当地政府振兴制造业。在尼日利亚修建的纺织工业园区目前已创造了一万多个就业岗位。
中国正逐步加大力度，缓解区域冲突，维护和平。在中非合作论坛的框架下，中国出力强化非洲的和平与安全架构。和平与安全架构创建于2004年，致力于消除种族灭绝，加强稳定因子。
中国外交官也奔走于南苏丹等深陷内战泥淖的国家。在非洲服役的中国维和人员大约占总数的75%。联合国在非洲开展了7个维和行动，中国参与到了其中6个，派出了尽3000个部队、警察与观察员。中国对厄立特里亚的禁采工作给予支持，在厄立特里亚中方训练出120位禁采专家，并向乍得、布隆迪、几内亚比绍、苏丹、莫桑比克、埃塞俄比亚、卢旺达、安哥拉和厄立特里亚捐助器械设备。
中国多次参与应对非洲大陆上爆发的医疗卫生突发事件。于2013年至2016年间，有超过11000人死于高传染性的埃博拉病毒。中国派遣了1000多位医疗专家远赴西非，并提供了7.5亿人民币（折合1.2亿美金）的援助。
中非合作论坛2018年峰会需要达成共识，通过切实举措，加快非洲工业化。这包括发展经济、偿还债务、增进繁荣，加大对工业园区与新发展走廊的投资，从而使非洲成为命运共同体的一部分。
英文版：
How Community of Commondestiny is Shaping Africa’s Development
Author | Prof. Peter Kagwanja, Chief Executive of the Africa Policy Institute in Kenya
Design | Jiang Lingzhi
Production | Huang Shuocun
In an address to the World Economic Forum (WEF) in the little Swiss town of Davos in January 2017, Chinese President Xi Jinping efficaciously cast himself as a responsible and conscientious global leader, a resolute defender of globalization, free trade and equality of all nations and humanity in a fair and equitable world order. He enjoined his peers to “deliver better lives for (their) people,” create “a better world” and work together towards the building of a “community of shared future for mankind”.
China’s most influential leaders since Chairman Mao Zendong used the stage to introduced into the discourse on the future of global power relations the concept of “community of common destiny for humankind” (renlei mingyun gongtongti), now defining the contours and vision of China’s global leadership as a new superpower. African scholarly and policy communities are still grappling the true meaning of what is unfolding as one of the most influential concepts in post-Cold War international relations.
In view of the chaos and uncertainties of the World Order in the opening decades of the 21st Century, it is tempting to dismiss the lofty ideal of a “Community of Shared Destiny” as an ill-defined, hollow but well-meaning platitude that has failed to capture the imagination of worldwide audiences.
Internally, it implies both modern China’s long view of time and a broad consideration of space in the reinvention of the Chinese civilization.
Globally, the community of common destiny has the making of a geographically elastic and inclusive concept, seeking to embrace the entirety of humankind. The concept was the kernel of China’s September 2011 White Paper on “China’s peaceful development,” which highlighted “the need for global governance and a just world order”.
China’s “Community of Destiny” is not “e pluribus unum” (Out of many, one). Beijing is not inviting the 195 countries in the world today to transcend their individuality in the pursuit of an ideal of everlasting peace by coalescing around shared values, norms and principles. Rather, it is calling on them to “live and let live” side by side, pursue win-win scenarios where each country accepts and not attempt to transform the others in its own image.
While envisioning an increasingly interconnected world where the destiny of each individual country is inevitably and inextricably intertwined with that of others’, China provides a space for each country to determine its own development path.
Metaphorically, China’s “Community of Shared Destiny” envisions a “large family of harmonious co-existence” where as a new superpower Beijing will play a major role. But it makes it patently clear that it has “no intention to interfere in other countries’ internal affairs, export our own social system and model of development, or impose our own will on others.”
By insisting on the collective role of all world nations in building “a community of destiny for mankind”, China has chosen a geopolitical path that opposes the nationalistic unilateralism witnessed in the invasion of Iraq, which undermined multilateralism as the framework of global governance. In short, China makes it clear that it does not seek to export its own values or to impose its brand of “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” on other nations. Implicitly, China’s preference for a global community where members “choose their own development path” is an outright rejection of the West’s hegemonic trend to support the Anglo-Saxon model of liberal democracy as a one-shoe-fits-all model, and as a corollary, of the related norms of rule of law, respect for human rights, and fundamental freedoms.
The concept of “Community of Shared Destiny” is an ideological counter to Francis Fukuyama’s “End of History” thesis, “a political and philosophical concept that supposes that a particular political, economic, or social system may develop that would constitute the end-point of humanity's evolution and the final form of human government”, which justifies a hegemonic and unilateralist world order. It is also a conscious response to Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilization” argument that posits that people's cultural and religious identities will be the primary source of conflict in the post-Cold War order.
Finally, Beijing’s community of destiny thesis targeted the “Thucydides Trap” hypothesis, coined by Graham T. Allison.
Allison sees the rise of China as inexorably creating fear in the US, leading to inevitable war. Reviews of Allison’s book provoked strong rebuttals of the Thucydides Trap theory. Giving rise to Xi’s doctrine of building a “community of shared destiny for mankind” is the idea of “Peaceful Rise”, which Beijing put forward in 2003 projecting a politically, economically, and militarily strong China as a force for global peace.
After 2013, the idea of China’s “Peaceful Rise” has been replaced with “peaceful development” as a strategy to rebut the "China threat theory" by emphasizing Beijing’s soft power, its history as a less aggressive empire compared to others as well as its commitment to its own internal issues and improving the welfare of its own people before interfering with world affairs.
“Peace has been in the blood of us Chinese and a part of our DNA,” Xi declared in Geneva in January 2017. As a great power, China projects itself as entirely different from, and morally superior to, its more hegemonic Western counterparts. Its approach is to about “developing state-to-state relations with communication, not confrontation.”
As a power styled along ‘democratic centralism’ of one-dominant party system providing stable environment for long-term development and that is at the same time fully integrated into the global economy without morphing into a liberal democracy is increasingly seen as an alternative system of governance. The “Chinese model” is becoming an option for other countries and nations in Africa as elsewhere seeking to speed up their development, preserve their sovereignty and avoid cycles of election-related uncertainties and political violence that bedevil emerging democracies in the developing world. China’s own fight against corruption at home is offering a model to fight the beast abroad.
In building a community of shared destiny, China is supporting a raft of new multilateral organizations and platforms in the global South as a strategy to increase its own influence and that of the nations of the South. In 2000, China unveiled the Forum for China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) as the premier official forum for co-operation on a spectrum of issues between Africa’s 54 states and China.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the sturdiest pillar of China’s efforts to build a community of common destiny. Since President Xi unveiled the Initiative in 2013, African countries have been part of over 60 countries benefiting from the 1.2 trillion-dollar initiative.
Through it, China is focusing on connectivity and cooperation within and between African countries through supporting railways, highways, communication and development corridors.
In this regard, China has supported over 900 projects including textile factories, hydro power plants, stadiums, hospitals and schools across Africa. Projects completed under this initiative include the Mombasa-Nairobi Railway (June 2017), the Djibouti-Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) railway (January 2018) and the 186.5 kilometre Abuja-Kaduna rail line in Nigeria (July 2018).
China has become Africa's largest trading partner. Sino -Africa trade has risen from US $10.6 billion in 2000 to US $91.08 billion in 2009. According to statistics by China Customs, in January 2018, the value of China-Africa trade stood at US$16.5 billion.
China is Africa’s main source of affordable development assistance and preferential loans. Over 40 African countries have benefited from China's government preferential loans. At the same time, Inversely, six banks from Africa have set up their branches or representative offices in China. In 2015, at the sixth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), President Xi pledged $60 billion in commercial loans to Africa, increasing lending to at least $20 billion a year.
China and Africa are also cooperating in environmental protection. Under the FOCAC framework, the two sides have held the China-Africa Meeting on Environmental Protection and implemented the China-Africa Cooperation in Human Resources Training for Environment Programme. They have also set up a UNEP China-Africa Environmental Center to expand environmental exchanges, promote environmental protection technology cooperation, and strengthen environmental protection personnel training.
China is turning attention to industrial development in Africa, supporting efforts of African governments to promote manufacturing including establishing a textile industrial park in Nigeria, which has created over 10,000 jobs.
Beijing is expanding its footprint in regional conflict and peace keeping. Through the FOCAC framework, China has helped to strengthen Africa’s Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) established since 2004 to avoid genocide and underwrite stability.
Beijing’s diplomats are brokering peace in countries like South Sudan engulfed in civil wars. About 75 percent of all Chinese peacekeepers serve in Africa. China has nearly 3,000 troops, police and observers assigned to six of the seven United Nations peacekeeping operations in Africa. China has supported de-mining efforts in Eritrea where it trained 120 Eritrean mine clearance specialists and donated equipment to Chad, Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Angola and Eritrea.
China has also responded to specific medical emergencies on the continent. Between 2013 and 2016, more than 11,000 people died when highly contagious Ebola struck. In response, China dispatched more than 1,000 medical professionals to West Africa, providing 750 million RMB ($120 million) in aid.
FOCAC 2018 Summit needs to agree on concrete way of accelerating Africa’s industrialization. These include investing in industrial parks and new corridors of development, to enable it expand economies to repay debts increase prosperity. This will ensure Africa’s inclusion into the envisioned community of common destiny.
